Livelihood of........!!!!

The Adivasis of Central India, who settled in the tea gardens of Assam decades ago, are still devoid(ignored) of their basic rights.

The even greater tragedy of the coordinated murderous December 23, 2014, attack on unarmed Adivasi forest dwellers(inhabitant or nivasi) in Assam, which left dead more than 70 people including children and women, is that the assault targeted one of the most oppressed(burdened) and dispossessed communities in that entire region.

A meticulously researched paper titled “‘Lazy’ Natives, Coolie Labour, and the Assam Tea Industry” by Jayeeta Sharma recounts the grim history of their settlement as indentured(bound by contract) labour in Assam since the mid-19th century as an element of the great colonial capitalist enterprise. The discovery that Chinese tea flourished in the hills and plains of Assam led to the clearance of vast forest tracts for tea plantations. They originally relied briefly on labour imported from China, but they were found unequal to the hard labour required for clearing the thick jungle undergrowth.

This gave way to employment of workers from indigenous(deshi) tribal communities like the Nagas, who they found sturdy(strongly) and hard-working and often willing to work in return for as little as some rice, shells and beads. But they worked when they chose, and refused to be regimented(strictly controlled) and controlled. They experimented with other local tribes, but the problem of their resistance to the iron discipline of the tea gardens led them to search for outside workers.

Around that time, tribal communities from the Chotanagpur plateau of Central India were recruited in large numbers to labour at dirt wages in sugar factories, indigo plantations and railway construction. These workers abundantly(in numbers) met the standards of tough, resilient and acquiescent(obedience) labour that the plantation owners were seeking. Sharma recounts, “Men, women, and children were sent from Central India; a long, difficult journey by steamers, roads, and later railways, into the jungles and gardens of Upper Assam.”

These indentured workers and their families were housed in cramped and poorly serviced workers’ lines. Sharma records: “Flight was almost impossible since ignorance of the terrain, coupled with bounties(payment) offered to hill people to track runaways with dogs ensured that the plantation existence had to be borne against all provocation.” To make matters worse, British planters were armed with private penal powers to arrest workers who tried to leave before their indenture contracts were completed.

The availability of large forest tracts attracted workers to remain in Assam even after their contracts ended. They cleared forests to carve out paddy fields, and were also available as contract labour, called faltus, during peak plantation seasons. Gradually settlements grew in erstwhile forests in which indigenous tribal communities like the Bodos, former ‘coolie’ Adivasis, caste Hindu Assamese, and Nepali and East Bengali new settlers lived side by side. Their links with their original homelands gradually snapped; although they spoke their original Adivasi tongues, they learnt Assamese and often Hindi.

The system of virtual slave labour continued right up to the 1920s, when a nationalist agitation led by Gandhi and C.F. Andrews finally resulted in the ending of the indenture system. But even though they were now nominally free, these workers remained submissive and severely exploited, and continued to work under near-colonial conditions of employment and housing long after Independence.

It is estimated that the so-called ‘tea-tribes’ constitute between 15 to 20 per cent of the population of Assam today, but they survive with the poorest human development indicators in the state. The tea-tribes are not notified as Scheduled Tribes in Assam; therefore they are deprived of the benefits of reservations. Labour economist B. Saikia reports in 2008 that tea-garden labourers are typically paid wages lower than the minimum and even paid partly in kind. Tea-garden labour lines have been always kept underdeveloped and dependent for their basic survival needs of the tea-garden management, so that they can procure(secure) cheap labour.

The misfortunes of this oppressed and deprived people were compounded following the creation of the Bodoland Autonomous Council in 1993. In this region, indigenous tribal Bodos, the Bengali Muslims and the tea tribes each constituted roughly 30 per cent of the population. Waves of violence successively targeting Bengali Muslims and Adivasis were unleashed by armed Bodo militants. Some of the most brutal(cruel) attacks on Adivasis were mounted in 1996 and 1997, at the peak of which three lakh Adivasis escaped to relief camps. Some of these camps have not been disbanded even nearly two decades later.

Indentured labour from the same regions, who were transported to countries like Fiji and Mauritius, have today acquired education, economic strength and on occasion risen to positions like the Prime Minister. It is a dishonour to India’s democracy that in their own country, this gentle and industrious people still remain exiled(deported) to the outer margins of survival, exploited, malnourished(Not being provided with adequate nourishment) , uneducated, and defenceless before wave after wave of targeted violence.

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The lawlessness of humour

In Stalin’s time, god had been abolished(Do away with) and farming collectivised. A Soviet farmer was asked by a central commissar how good the potato crop was. The farmer answered, “If all the potatoes produced on our collective farm were gathered into a mound(Form into a rounded elevation), the mound would be so tall that it would reach the feet of god.” The doctrinal(Relating to) correct Commissar snarled(confused through entanglements), “There is no god, comrade(fellow), you know that.” The unperturbed(Free from emotional agitation or nervous tension) reply came, “there are no potatoes either”.
This joke illustrates Freud’s point in the 1908 paper, “Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious,” where he saw jokes as telling the secrets about ourselves to ourselves and the world that we do not necessarily want to tell.
As I read about the storm gathering against the ‘All India Bakchod roast’, which has now culminated(Reach the highest ) in a Bombay magistrate’s court ordering an FIR to being filed against the organisers and participants of the show, it is time to examine the facts dispassionately, because all of a sudden, humour has become deadly serious business.
Integral to cultures
A comedy roast is an event where a celebrity consents(accepts) to be laughed at. His friends, peers(equal), acquaintances(not friends just we know them.. in hindi jan-pehchan) and enemies gather to insult him and provide general merriment to those gathered around. Money collected from the paying audience is often given away to a charity of the celebrity’s choice. A roast is an occasion for the celebrity to be brought down a peg or two, for him to be able to laugh at himself and to, all in all, show, that he is a good sport who can have a joke made at his expense.
This tradition of roasting grew out of the comedy clubs in America and drew inspiration from a street game called ‘The Dozens’ which is often played on the streets in black majority areas in the United States. ‘The Dozens’ is a game of spoken words where participants insult each other until one gives up. It is played in front of an audience of bystanders(nonparticipate audience) who encourage the participants to reply with matching and bigger insults to heighten the tension and make it more interesting to watch. Serious research exists connecting ‘The Dozens’ to a Nigerian game called Ikocha Nkocha, which when literally translated means “making disparaging(Express a negative opinion of) remarks”. Similar games have been noted in Ghana where insults are frequently directed at family members. The need to laugh at and be laughed at is integral to many cultures. After all, as Jane Austen wrote in Pride and Prejudice , “For what do we live, but to make sport for our neighbors, and laugh at them in our turn?”
On December 20, 2014, in an event that raised around Rs.40 lakh for charity, two Bollywood actors, Ranveer Singh and Arjun Kapoor, were roasted by other members of the glitterati(Fashionable famous), with Karan Johar officiating as the master of the roast. The panel of roasters included the three comics, Gursimran Khamba, Rohan Joshi and Tanmay Bhat, who were members of the comedy group, AIB. Other attendees included Alia Bhat, Deepika Padukone and Sonakshi Sinha. By all accounts, the roast was a huge success. Neither did the persons roasted take offence to the insults nor did any paying member of the audience want his money back on grounds of obscenity(vulgarism) or otherwise. Everybody had a good time, threatened no one and raised money for good causes.
The jokes ranged from the risqué(Suggestive of sexual impropriety) to the rude. Like the stuff in all good professional comedy, some jokes did make viewers drop their jaws in disbelief (“Did he really say that?”), howl with laughter, grit(Clench together) their teeth in anger and wince(Make a face indicating disgust or dislike) with shock. But for once, celebrities got people to pay to watch their celebrity status get insulted. The trading of insults humanised them and elevated the audience by enabling it to seemingly look down on them.
Taking offence
Yet, like every fairy tale, it was those who were left out who took the most offence and caused the most trouble. The hitherto unknown Brahman Ekta Seva Sanstha was first off the block to file an FIR at the Sakinaka police station. A Catholic organisation filed a civil suit for damages while a criminal complaint by a law professor resulted in a magistrate’s direction to launch a criminal investigation. These two proceedings were filed through the same lady lawyer, who cannot be accused of being a publicity hound(Someone who is morally reprehensible), because she is a well known television commentator. The Bombay High Court was petitioned to look into the controversy. The matter has not reached the Supreme Court as yet, through a meddlesome(Intrusive in a meddling or offensive manner) interloper(Someone who intrudes on the privacy or property of another without permission) or officious busybody!
While the courts will no doubt work their processes in due course, a few obvious legal truisms must be stated. It is very rarely illegal to tell a joke, or a whole series of them. It is not illegal to listen to a joke. It is not illegal to disseminate(spread) a joke. It is not illegal to laugh at a joke. The law does not criminalise a joke. You can laugh at the world and you can laugh at yourself. It is perfectly legal to do so.
Like obscenity, humour is very difficult to define, is subjective and is a matter of taste. Even phrases from various statutes that criminalise some aspects of speech are delightfully vague(Not clearly understood or expressed) and use adjectives like “grossly offensive”, “sexually coloured” and “obscene”. Just as lawmakers have struggled to define these offences, so too have judges who have applied these standards to actual cases. The dilemma(State of uncertainty or perplexity especially as requiring a choice between equally unfavourable options) is best exemplified by Justice Potter Stewart’s claim in the U.S. Supreme Court, in the 1964 case, of Jacobellis v Ohio , where he defined pornography as “I know it , when I see it.”
While lawmakers and administrators have difficulties in defining or restricting speech, people who seek outrage(anger) find it very easy to get outraged at almost anything that anyone says beyond the bounds of politeness. What if the joke is hurtful of someone’s sentiments? What if the joke is obscene? What if the joke provokes a riot? Can someone not be made accountable for a joke that is in poor taste, or disrespectful? These and other such like questions seem to agitate the minds of the grand-inquisitors of humour.
What the law says
In law, the answer is simple. There is no general right to take offence at the contents of another person’s speech in a private environment. It is only when the speech is in a public place, or causes annoyance to others in a public place that criminal law is attracted, as in Section 294 of the Indian Penal Code. If a joke is specifically defamatory of one’s personal reputation, that person alone could go to a civil court to collect damages. If the speech was deliberately aimed at insulting a religion, it may be criminally actionable under Section 295-A. If a joke is aimed at sexual harassment, it may be actionable by the victim alone under the newly created Section 354A of the IPC.
What needs to be emphasised here is that each of these sections is designed with a specific affected person in mind. That person alone must be permitted to set the law in motion and no other. Nobody has a general right to take offence at another people’s jokes, at other people’s expense. Except the person who is directly impacted, no one else should be granted locus standi, with respect to a joke or its teller. No third party should intervene to save the honour or reputation of any person or class of persons, who wink at or laugh at a joke made at their own expense. It is only when there is a personal stake, in the sense of a loss of reputation or harassment, should the law be set in motion. Even here, civil proceedings for damages should normally be resorted to and criminal proceedings discouraged. In other words, if I choose to let my friends and family laugh at me as a lawyer, no other lawyer or family of lawyers must be allowed into the court to take umbrage(anger) on my behalf, if I do not wish to resort to the law.
The law cannot allow itself to be used as an instrument of suppression, of a citizen’s right to speak sense or nonsense. It is time for the law to protect what the poet Faiz wrote in his poem, ‘Bol’ (Speak)
“Speak, for your lips are free,
Speak, for your speech is yet your own,
Speak, for the truth is till now alive,
Speak, for your life is still your own.” (Translation mine)
(Sanjay Hegde is a practising advocate in the Supreme Court.)
Each of the sections under the Indian Penal Code is designed with a specific affected person in mind. That person alone must be permitted to set the law in motion and no other.

The courts will work their processes in the ‘AIB Roast’ case, but it is very rarely illegal to tell a joke, or a whole series of them, to listen to one, disseminate or laugh at one. The law does not criminalise a joke. The law cannot allow itself to be used as an instrument of suppression, of a citizen’s right to speak sense or nonsense

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the Hindu had with Berger Paints India Managing Director and CEO, Abhijit Roy

Rapid urbanisation will spur(motivate) strong demand, says Berger Paints India CEO

Undergoing a series of ownership changes since 1923, Berger Paints has come ahe Hindu had with its Managing Director and CEO, Abhijit Roy long way, emerging as the India’s second largest paint company. Its turnover has increased manifold(multiple), as has the number of its units. From a lone unit in West Bengal’s Howrah, it now has a presence in 11 locations in India and three in overseas. Given below are edited excerpts(A passage selected from a larger work) from an interaction The Hindu had with its Managing Director and CEO, Abhijit Roy.

What is the near- and medium-term outlook for the company? What does the interest rate cut mean for you?

The near-term is challenging as the growth momentum has still not picked up in the Indian market but the signs are positive. For the medium-term, we are far more optimistic as we believe that the GDP will look up, and coupled with increased urbanisation and spend on infrastructure, we see a significant perk-up(gain) in paint demand.

Regarding the interest rate, we feel that the cycle towards reduction has begun. Consequently, the housing sector and its allied(associate) activities such as the paint industry should also do well as the affordability factor improves. But it needs to be kept in mind that painting is an end-cycle activity. We get to feel the benefit after about two years.

Berger is the number two in the organised paint industry. How intense is the competition? How do you plan to tackle it? Are you planning any revamp(renovate) of your marketing strategy, especially in the rural markets? What are your views on e-commerce in paints?

The competition is very intense. The top four companies contribute about 65 per cent of the sale in the Indian market, but there are numerous(many) small companies in the market.

The best way to tackle competition is to focus on the end-consumer and deliver products and services which meet their needs better. Keeping this in mind, we are planning some innovative marketing strategies in the near future. With rapid urbanisation, large stretches of rural habitations are becoming suburbs, and as people move into pucca houses, they will need paints. We are setting up a strong presence in Tier-III and Tier-IV towns in the North and East. We also plan to expand in the South and West. We have to increase our distribution reach going closer to consumers. As regards innovative approach, we have started a training academy for painters, which, we think, will bring in more accountability and improved skill sets.

E-commerce is still in the nascent(beginning) stage as far as the paint industry is concerned. We have to await the results of various experiments being carried out. However, internationally, this forms a very small percentage of total sales of the paint industry as there are logistic challenges involved in moving a bulky, flammable commodity such as paint.

Outperforming your peers is among your mission statements. What are the main components of the strategy?

Outperforming peers(same) can only happen when we are able to service our customers better than our competitors and make them aware of the same. This implies that we have to come out with innovative products and services and advertise the same to let customers know about its benefit. The training academy is a move in this direction.

What sort of business do you expect from nuclear power plant segment in which you are the lone player?

Some business will come but it is nothing significant as the number of nuclear power plants in India is very few.

Which segments are growth-drivers for the company? What role does the company see for itself in India growth story?

We expect both the decorative and industrial sector to do well in the coming years. We are No.2 in the decorative paint industry in India and leader in protective coatings, plastic coatings and coil coatings on the industrial side. These will be key growth-drivers for the company in the near future. Paint consumption is linked to the GDP of the country. Increased growth momentum in India will result in an increase in GDP, which, in turn, will result in an increase in consumption of paint.

What are the concern areas for the company and the industry?

No major area of concern as of today, but the status of paint as a red-category industry despite the raft of measures that have been taken is bothersome. We have zero discharge. We reprocess. And yet, we remain in that category. This impacts the time taken for clearances for our green and brown-field projects.

What is the way out?

Though paint falls in the red category, all our plants have strong effluent treatment mechanism in place, resulting in zero discharge. We have a strong safety, health and environment culture within our organization. And, we try to minimise our risks on these issues. All our products in the decorative paint segment are lead, chrome and mercury free. We will continue to improve our product quality and make it more environment-friendly though it is not mandated by law as yet in India. However, for changing the perceptions about the paint industry, efforts are on to harness the offices of the apex industry association, the Indian Paints Association, for this.

What is the import content in your product? How will you tackle the problems arising out of exchange-rate volatility?

In our products, import content is in the range of 20 per cent plus. We expect exchange rate to remain relatively stable in near future.

Are there any acquisitions on the radar?

We are always open to acquisitions provided they meet our requirement.

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Railway and reforms

The process of reforms in the Railways is complex and can disrupt a reasonably well-functioning system, with serious consequences(result) for the economy

“Why can’t a woman be more like a man?” The exasperated(greatly annoyed)cry of Professor Higgins in the delightful Hollywood musical of the sixties based on George Bernard Shaw’s play “Pygmalion” may seem an unusual beginning for an article on the Railways. But it may seem less incongruous(Lacking in harmony) when juxtaposed(Placed side by side often for comparison) with similar cries of despair(A state in which all hope is post): “Why can’t the Indian Railways be more (efficient) like a private company or corporation?” The subject of reform is certainly on everyone’s mind. The presentation of the Railway budget this week will be awaited with greater anticipation than usual for a few special reasons: it will be the first full rail budget after a new “reform-oriented” government assumed charge at the Centre, it will be the first budget for a new Railway Minister with a reputation for reform, and it will be presented against the backdrop of the deliberations of yet another ‘High Powered” (Bibek Debroy) Committee that is after that seemingly endless quest: How to ‘reform’ the Railways?

The sheer(absolute) number of reports and policy prescriptions that have emerged over the last few decades as to what ails the Indian Railways and what needs to be done to set things right should make one wonder why nothing substantial is being done to change things if the remedies(cure) are so obvious. Clearly the problems lie with the implementation of those recommendations.

Reforms

Reform is not an end in itself but a means to achieve certain clear objectives. In the case of the Indian Railways, reforms are aimed at ensuring adequate investments in a vital infrastructure sector for achieving a growth rate that keeps ahead of the economy as a whole, while providing quality transport service at minimum cost to society. For achieving these objectives, reforms can be classified broadly as those relating to its finances and those concerning its organisational structure. Some measures no doubt overlap.

Reforms imply change. It is human nature to resist change. In the case of the Railways, reforms, or even the mere intention to reform, can invite severe backlash from those within the system who see an existential threat in any such move. Further, changes to the organisational structure, apart from internal resistance, can disrupt an already functioning system during the transition period that can have serious consequences to the economy. The path is unclear; the outcome uncertain. A few examples will bring out the complexities involved.

A reform measure suggested in the past by more than one committee to tone up the Railways’s finances is to unbundle “non-core” activities such as health care and manufacture of rolling stock (mostly locomotives and coaches). Without entering into a debate on the pros and cons of the present arrangement, what needs stressing is that these two activities between them employ about one lakh personnel out of a total strength of about 13.1 lakh. Any such move will be stoutly(in a resolute manner) replying to his resisted by the employees.

A peculiar(unique) feature of the Railways is that unlike a commercial undertaking, the salary levels of the employees are not fixed in relation to the earning potential of the organisation, but by an extraneous agency instead. The Central Pay Commission sets the pay scales of all central government employees every 10 years. Further, in the case of the Railways, the pension liabilities are met out of its own earnings and not from the Consolidated Fund of India, as in the case of the other Ministries. On the other hand, on the revenues front, the constraints in having a remunerative(paying) pricing for passenger traffic are too well known to require reiteration. Cross subsidisation through freight traffic earnings has its limits as, beyond a point, higher freight(cargo) tariffs can become counterproductive by driving away traffic. Internal resource generation is affected. This decadal shock treatment by the Pay Commission is inevitable so long as the Railways remain an undertaking under the Central government with civil service status for its employees. Any change in this status will be resisted by the employees.

Converting the Indian Railways into a government-owned corporation is a reform measure that was suggested by the Rakesh Mohan Committee (2001), mainly as a means to attract private investment and to streamline its functioning. Another advantage claimed in favour of this measure is that it keeps the organisation at ‘arm’s length’ from the government, leading to greater functional autonomy. But mere corporatisation without intra-sector competition will be a cosmetic exercise. Besides, even with competition, in the Indian context, it would seem that the length of the ‘arm ‘is very short and is subject to considerable twisting (as in the case of Air India.) Introducing intra-sector competition further complicates the process, as in the case of that controversial ‘P’ word: ‘privatisation’.

The question of privatisation

There is no bigger controversial and emotionally charged subject associated with reforms in the Railways than the ‘P’ word. The arguments at both ends of the spectrum are often ideologically driven, dogmatic(narrow) and ill-informed. The issue has been resolved to some extent by the recent unequivocal declaration by the Prime Minister that the Railways will not be privatised. But saying that the Railways will not be privatised is not to say that railway operations in India will not be thrown open to the private sector at some future date. What are the implications?

The incentives that drive the private sector, positive and negative, are the profit motive on the one hand and the existential threat of going out of business on the other. But privatisation without competition will degenerate into an oligopoly. To introduce an element of competition in rail operations, it will be necessary to separate the ownership and the management of infrastructure (track, signalling, stations, etc.) from train operations to allow either multiple operators to access the same track (route) or to have a system of franchise for particular routes.

Thus the entry of private players in railway operations along with a government-owned entity requires a fundamental reorganisation of the Railways. It is not about change of ownership alone, unlike many other sectors. Problems of coordination escalate to another level of complexity. The bureaucratic state will be replaced by the contract state. Effective regulation becomes critical and so also the speedy resolution of disputes that are bound to arise from time to time. The limited experience of the Railways so far in executing projects in the PPP mode has not been without its share of problems.

Adding to all this is the reality peculiar to this country: the political establishment across the spectrum, whether in power or outside, is loath(unwilling) to let go of some measure of control over a crucial infrastructure sector that is seen as a vote garnering(earning) machine.

It should now be obvious why there has not been any movement towards significant ‘reforms’ in the Railways. The process is complex, can invite severe staff backlash and can disrupt a reasonably well-functioning system, with serious consequences for the economy. Further the process is rife with uncertainty and can test the commitment and perseverance of any government, even one with a comfortable majority in Parliament. Significant reforms also need a modicum(small) of consensus among all stake holders including the political establishment and cannot be rammed(force) down from above through executive fiats and diktats. More committees are certainly not the answer.

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Comedy of malice

Indian taboos(prohibition) are still too plainly visible for satire( witty language especially use to insult) to be effective. It may take several generations before they become a talking point between diverse groups. Till then, the chasm( A deep opening in the earth's surface) between those who laugh and those who get laughed at only widens

President Nominated: Members of both Houses of Parliament today nominated a stately Eucalyptus tree as the 17th President of India. “Because the President occupies a largely ceremonial position,” said the Lok Sabha Speaker, “it was important to nominate something that looked good and said very little.” Soon after the pleasantly surprised Eucalyptus moved into Rashtrapati Bhavan with a mali and a bag of manure(plant material used to fertilize land ) it left on a state visit to Romania.

People gather together. “I am going to tell a joke,” says someone. “Once there was an American, an Australian and a sardar …” As the joke progresses, the attention focusses on a single line; faces lean in with expectation; finally, the entire group releases a laugh, and everyone goes back to the business of life.

In the land of Sardarji jokes, comedy is a conditioned response working on a set rule.

Such regulation even extends into professional humour. Indian stand-up comedy may have come of age, but its content is still an unfortunate mix of ethnic jokes (Sir, yes, you in the front row, you said you were from Kerala, oh, that’s why I couldn’t see you), and sexual innuendo(An indirect (and usually malicious) implication) (I see your hand is on the lady’s thigh; obviously that’s not your wife). The nature of such standup is not so much to reflect on difficult issues, but to bite into familiar fruit, and spit into the audience. Loud, brash and filled with all the harsher strains of shock value, comedy is just raucous(Unpleasantly loud and harsh) theatre. It builds on the theme of offence — using people’s affluence, their ethnicity or sexuality, their background, the make of their car.

Comedy and content

The recent AIB uploaded videos on YouTube did the trick of getting national attention, not so much for the subjects of its comedic roast, but the foul-mouthed racist rant on caste, genitalia and sexual orientation. Despite serious humour in its content, the delivery came under attack from extremist groups. As charges of obscenity(vulgarism) and bad taste were levelled by the far right’s moral policing, Anand Gandhi, a Mumbai filmmaker sprang to the show’s defence. “I hope our humour gets sharper, our dissent(disagree) more rigorous(strict) and our satire more offensive. Unlikely. In the front line battle between the small Indian urban elite with a copycat mimicry of American television tastes and the more conservative — and increasingly vocal — middle class, the clash of liberal and traditional values is the newer, more visible divide within the culture itself.

With millions writhing on the floor in uncontrollable laughter, comics liberally spray the audience with an undercurrent of Indian foibles(mannerism) — people’s differences, the shrill hot-headed awareness of identity, religious practices, all come loaded with messages of hate. The growing divide in society reflects in the numerous splinter(sliver) groups: good Muslims and bad Muslims, good Hindus and violent ones, Buddhist pacifists and Buddhist extremists, Hindu activists and pious(devotional) ascetics, Muslims with their own political parties and agendas. Today, the slightest provocation will rile(annoy)the most peace-loving of people to charge into public forums. Nationalism, religion and caste, have always been around as convenient ploys for displays of prejudice; they are now joined with gender, class, race and sexuality.

Reality and the stereotype

The important thing is to take offence; even the smallest of indiscretions(injudiciousness) can leap off the media pages and become a matter of national shame. Tennis star Maria Sharapova’s ignorance of Sachin Tendulkar had cricket fans fuming(angry), asking Indians to boycott her matches; a picture of Sania Mirza, tired and stretching after a match showed her feet balanced near a flag. Her Muslim identity was quickly brought into play against her regard for Indian nationhood; people questioned her allegiance to the flag. And, as she found out the hard way, that Muslims of prominence had to wear their nationalism on the sleeve.

“The bite of satire is cloaked in serious intent only in self-confident societies comfortable with each other’s differences.”

Dealing with taboos

In any case, people in India are different in far too many ways, to ever be viewed as a cohesive(united) , homogeneous mass. To be saddled(burdened) by poverty, to be illiterate, to live in a village or a city slum, to be a Muslim or a Christian, or a tribal, to be a woman, unmarried, to be dark, was the ultimate humiliation in 19th century India. Comedy centres light up with these issues only because little has changed. Several lifetimes and good karmas would be needed to rise to India’s 21st century ideal: Hindu, Brahmin, Male, Urban dweller(inhabit) , Young, Fair, and Moneyed.

Shah Rukh Khan’s ‘Fair and Handsome’ ad only reinforced(make stronger) the stereotype. Even the search for a fair skinned wife in the Indian kitchen has not wavered since the dark ages. A wheatish complexioned girl must shell out several fridges, colour TVs and washing machines to compensate for her dreadful facial deformity. One tending towards ‘whole wheat’ is already set for a frugal(economical) life of neglect and loneliness — a teacher in a village school, a warden in an orphanage, an ayah for a diplomat’s family. Life is cruel, India only makes it crueller. Skin whitening ads, khap panchayats, newspaper matrimonial classifieds, all fall within a group that only reinforces the traditional stereotype, ideas that can only be countered with comedians taking them to task. Perhaps Indian taboos are harder and come loaded with years of guilt and recrimination. The position of women in society, the preference for white skin, class and caste — more than any other place, a repressed society needs comedy to mirror issues that affect us all. The impulse to cause psychic disturbance through comedy is the more difficult refrain of satire. Certainly, comedy isn’t the relevant medium for serious debate on serious issues, but its ability to bring the subject into the open, and relieve tension is a crucial beginning.

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