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Showing posts with label english for exam. Show all posts
Showing posts with label english for exam. Show all posts
Sunday, August 13, 2017
Interlocutor
Interlocutor (N)(वार्ताकार) : Interlocutor derives from the Latin interloqui, meaning "to speak
between" or "to issue an interlocutory decree." (An
interlocutory decree is a court judgment that comes in the middle of a case and
is not decisive.) it means a person who takes part in a dialogue or conversation
REFUTES
The Delhi
High Court is hearing the issue on August 10 in response to a Delhi-based
union’s petition which refutes the claims of Uber and Ola — as not being employers of
drivers but only providers of work.
What is refutes means ….. it means to declare not to
be true,false or in hindi(खंडन)
Synonyms: contradict, disaffirm, disallow, disavow, disclaim,
disconfirm, disown, gainsay, negate, negative, deny, reject, repudiate
Saturday, June 24, 2017
EXPUNGE
Expunge (V):- to eliminate completely;
remove by erasing or crossing out or as if by drawing a line.
Synonyms:
excise, scratch, strike
Uses:- -I would like to expunge my ex-husband from my memory.
-The president has the power to expunge any person’s
criminal history in order to give that individual a fresh start in life
When
I received the diamond ring from my husband, I felt the need to expunge any
anger I previously felt towards him.
Saturday, October 1, 2016
The bane of a bumper crop
Every day, around 3 p.m.,
hundreds of lorries loaded with onions queue up at the new agricultural market
complex at Lasalgaon, around 45 km from Nashik, waiting for the afternoon
auction to begin.
As a group of traders
approach, the farmers drop their produce at their feet, as if to tempt them
into bidding high. The traders halt and look over the merchandise. A market
committee employee calls out the reserve price: “400!” Eyes roll, unspoken
words seem to pass between the traders. Then the bidding starts: “1!” “11!”
“13!” “17!” In less than 30 seconds, the auction is over. The farmer gets 17
rupees over the reserve price, Rs.417 per quintal (100 kg). A pittance(small amount,अल्प भाग) at any given time, more so now when
compared to prices last year.
A trader-controlled market
No matter how united the
farmers are, no matter how hard they fight for a better price, they turn into
mute spectators in front of the traders when auction begins. The auction is
dictated by the traders with money and considerable political clout. Traders decide
the price, farmers accept it without protest.
The market complex has a
huge parking space for the lorries. Sometimes there are up to 1,000 vehicles at
a time. The otherwise deserted place comes alive twice a day. The first auction
of the day starts at around 10 a.m. and the second at 3 p.m. Depending on the
number of vehicles, the auction can stretch from an hour to three hours.
Once the rate is fixed,
the group of traders moves immediately to the next vehicle. The farmer, left
with the price decided by the group, starts collecting the onions he has
dropped on the ground. An official from the market committee approaches him
with a receipt, bearing the auction rate, trader’s name and farmer’s name. With
a receipt in hand and onions in the vehicle, the farmer then proceeds to the
godown where the weighing process takes place. As per the rules laid down by
the market committee, the farmer must get the payment before the end of the
day, which is largely followed.
After the produce is
dropped off at a shed in the complex, the traders take control of it. Workers
start segregating(separate,अलग) the onions according to the quality and
the packaging begins. Vehicles are loaded with the produce to be sent off to
cities or to different States. Traders then get into a huddle to firm up the
retail price of the produce — adding their profits — with nary a concern for
the farmer and the price demanded by him. The operation is bloodless and
smooth.
Barely breaking even
While onion is one of the
major crops in this belt, farmers also cultivate grapes, soya bean, sugarcane,
and ginger. Speaking out against the cartel of traders is not easy when the
farmer is dependent largely on the onion crop, as it may result in traders
ganging against him (or her) by dropping rates for his produce.
Official data from the
Lasalgaon Agricultural Produce Market Committee (APMC) says that this year’s
prices — between Rs.500-Rs.800/ql., down from Rs.970-Rs.3,786/ql. — are the
lowest in the last five years. This year, Rs.1,020/ql. (in June) was the highest
rate given to farmers, compared to Rs.6,326/ql. in 2015-16, and Rs.2,626 in
2014-15.
Growing onions costs
between Rs.50,000 and Rs.80,000 per acre, and a cultivated acre yields(give,देना) not more than 100 ql. With this year’s average selling
price at Rs.728/ql., an acre’s worth of onions would get the farmer around
Rs.72,800. This sees some farmers barely break even; many lose money.
Small wonder that Milind
Darade, who owns 13 acres of land, is furious(angry,गुस्सा). “This is the only
industry where producers have no right to decide the price of their product,”
the onion farmer from Karanjgaon, Nashik district, says. “Isn’t it cruel?
Shouldn’t we get angry?” The week before The Hindu caught up with him at the
Saikheda sub-market committee, Darade was given a humiliating price for his
produce: Rs.5/ql., or 5 paisa/kg. If that was not bad enough, Maharashtra’s
Minister for Co-operation, Subhash Deshmukh, said on a live television show that
his onions were rotten. “Let me give you some information,” he says indignantly(angrily,गुस्से से), “this is the onion you eat at a
restaurant. Just peel off two layers and you would wonder whether it was really
rotten.”
Darade has preserved the
official paper from the market committee with the offered rate; he has
laminated it to ensure it doesn’t get dog-eared. He says that he was so angry
that he refused to sell his onions and brought the load, some 10-11 ql., back
to his farm to use as fertiliser. But, he says, “When I calmed down, it dawned
upon me that I must use it to highlight the plight of onion farmers.”
Supply-demand mismatch
Simplistically put, there
was a shortage last year, and this year has seen record onion cultivation. Abundant(plentiful,प्रचुर) supply has brought the
prices down. The farmers, though, are used to this kind of fluctuation. They
don’t blame the bumper crop and supply-demand equation; they say it’s the
traders who are conspiring(plot,साजिश) against them and the
government has done little — or the wrong things — to help.
To understand the current
crisis for farmers, we need to step back a little.
India has three onion
crops a year. Early kharif (the crop sowed in the monsoon) onions come to
market between October and December. Onions from the rangda, or late kharif,
crop arrive from January to March. The winter or rabi crop is up for sale from
April to May. Usually, some parts of the rabi crop are stored for a few months
to fill the gap from May to October. Traditionally, prices rise from July to
October; official data show that wholesale rates rise by as much as
Rs.1,000/ql., even Rs. 1,500, later reflected in the retail market with an
increase of Rs.5-Rs.10/kg for consumers.
In 2014-15, the onions
took a hit following a hailstorm in North Maharashtra which, in turn, affected their
storage value. With many rotting, the onions that did make it to market
commanded high prices.
Then the drought of the
summer just past played a role too; many sugarcane farmers switched to the less
thirsty onion this year. “The onion cultivation area in the State has almost
doubled in year 2015-16,” says Nanasaheb Patil, Director, National Agricultural
Cooperative Marketing Federation of India Ltd. (NAFED). “Farmers hoped that
they will get last year’s rate — close to Rs.3,000-Rs.4,000/ql. — which did not
happen, as production increased in huge proportions.”
India is the world’s
second-largest onion producer (after China) with 26.79 per cent of the planet’s
land under onion cultivation and 19.90 per cent of its production. Maharashtra
is India’s largest producer, with a 32.45 per cent share of total onion
production, and in turn, Nashik district in north Maharashtra accounts for with
41 per cent of the State’s onion harvest. According to the Directorate General
of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics (DGCIS), India produced 203.33 lakh
metric tonnes (MT, 1,000 kg) of onions in 2015-16, up from 189.28 lakh MT in
2014-15. Lasalgaon, Asia’s biggest onion market, received around 32,680 MT in
the previous fiscal year. Five months into this year, it has received 10,874
MT.
To make matters worse for
Maharashtra’s farmers, other States — notably Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh and Karnataka — have reported higher onion yields.
Holding on for a better day
Aside from the production
glut(overload,भरमार), another important factor was a 40-day
strike by traders in July and August, opposing the State government’s decision
to free agricultural market committees from government regulations. With no
outlet for their rabi onions, farmers had no option but to store them and wait
for the strike to end. In addition, thanks to the low prices, some farmers are
choosing to not bring their onions to the markets, and instead are storing them
away hoping an artificial scarcity(shortage,कमी) later in the year will
pay off for them.
This strategy, however,
comes with its own dangers: that of the crop rotting or the onions sprouting.
Malti Bodke of Bhuse village points to her rotten onions with disgust. “How
long can we store them? It’s been almost four months. Once the onions start
sprouting, they lose weight, and it becomes difficult to get a higher price.”
The farmers also say that
the traders are colluding(plot,षड्यंत्र) to cheat them. “It’s a cartel of traders
which decides the rates and once the market reopened, they ensured prices
didn’t cross Rs.1,000/ql.,” says Rajaram Fafale, from Maralgoi village.
The strike gets blame for
the glut. But did trade actually stop? Officials and traders seem to want
consumers to believe that, but farmers say it never really stopped. Darade says
that opportunistic traders discreetly(carefully,सावधानी से) approached farmers and
“quoted lowest possible rates. Farmers, thinking it was better to sell, even at
a low price, rather than keep them and let them rot, did sell”.
Three years ago, when the
farmers were getting Rs.4,500-Rs.5,000/ql., retail onion prices reached
Rs.90/kg., which resulted in protests from the then-opposition parties, as well
as consumer organisations, in Delhi, Mumbai and other major cities, accusing
the United Progressive Alliance government of failing to protect consumers.
The government’s first
step was to increase the Minimum Export Price (MEP) to $1,150/MT. This made it
difficult for Indian exporters to compete in international markets; whatever
stock was available was diverted to the domestic market, which brought prices
down. By March 2014, when the late kharif crop got to market, prices had
dropped to less than Rs.1,000/ql. in the wholesale market, and consumers got
theirs at Rs.20-Rs.25/kg.
This may have played out
well for consumers, but has had other consequences(result,परिणाम) for the industry. “There
is absolutely no consistency in our approach towards onion exports,” says
NAFED’s Patil. A look at MEPs between December 2010 and December 2015 bears him
out: the figure has fluctuated wildly, dropping to $0 in May 2012, and with a
high of $1,150 in November 2013. “It only enrages our customers overseas,” says
Patil. “They are left with absolutely no guarantee of quantity and price of
onions exported from India. These customers have instead chosen Pakistan, China
and Iran, and we have lost guaranteed markets.”
Patil says that the
government’s decision to placate(calm,शांत) enraged(angry,नाराज़) urban customers has lost
it both its farmers’ support and its overseas markets. The onion, he says, is
no longer an agricultural commodity, it has become a political symbol.
An MSP for onions?
Assuming the government
has to balance the needs of consumers with those of producers, what else could
it have done to ensure that farmers get some return on their labour?
The National Horticulture
Research & Development Foundation (NHRDF) keeps track of potential harvests
by collecting information on each district. This year, despite being aware of
the possibility of a bumper crop, the government appears to have failed to take
any measures to protect farmers. The NHRDF’s estimates say the rabi onions
should be selling at around Rs.818/ql., which is significantly higher than what
farmers are managing to get. If the government chose to use its Price
Stabilisation Fund, it could subsidise the crop, paying, say, Rs.500/ql.
What the State government
has announced this week by way of relief — Rs.100 per quintal, up to a maximum
of 200 quintals, or a maximum of Rs.20,000 — has, to put it mildly, failed to
enthuse farmers. Every farmer The Hindu spoke to called the
measure not just inadequate(insufficient,अपर्याप्त) but practically a
mockery of their plight.
Fafale, who sold 10 ql.
at Lasalgaon for Rs. 220/ql., or Rs 2.2/kg., greeted the news with scorn. “Now
I will get one rupee more. What a relief!” he says sarcastically. “We aren’t
begging in front of the government. What we are asking is our right. How does
this government conclude that this much of money is sufficient as financial
aid? Who advises them? Have they bothered to check the ground reality?”
One of the major demands
the farmers have is for the government to introduce a Minimum Support Price
(MSP) for onions, as it has for sugarcane. “Why don’t the officers understand
that we are not independent and traders enjoy a free run here?” says Darade.
“Unless an MSP is announced, we cannot be sure of a certain minimum profit. Why
this neglect?”
Western Maharashtra, the
State’s sugar belt, has seen, in recent times, sugarcane farmers agitating(incite,उत्तेजित for an increased MSP. It
became an electoral issue in 2014 when the Congress and the Nationalist
Congress Party (NCP) suffered major defeats in the Assembly polls in the region
considered a bastion for both.
The Swabhimani Shetkari
Sanghatana (SSS; its name means ‘organisation for farmers’ self-respect’), led
by Raju Shetti, which was in the thick of the agitation, is now part of the
State government and Shetti is an MP. While the SSS has stage limited protests
in the State’s onion belt demanding an MSP, it has not been able to take the
protests to a wider audience. With the Bharatiya Janata Party-Shiv Sena regime,
as with the previous Congress-NCP rule, the MSP for onions issue is far from
being solved.
In the village of Bhuse,
Ramdas Bodke, 65, is philosophical. “I have seen many seasons and farming has
never been easy. We know how to tackle nature. What do we do with man-made problems?
We farmers feed the world, but now we wonder whether we will have food cooked
at home.” He lapses into silence for a minute, and then his tone turns bitter:
“Did the government discuss its proposal to hike MLA salaries for even a day?
The government takes an instant decision to increase the salary of MLAs, but it
takes a long time to decide about farmers. This is injustice. But there is no
one to give justice to farmers.”
As for the urban
consumers and their agitations, farmers mince no words when the topic comes up
for discussion. Turning towards me, one of them asks, “You get agitated when
prices skyrocket, but have you ever wondered what happens when prices hit rock
bottom? Why don’t you come out on the streets demanding a fair price for us?”
courtesy:the hindu
Sunday, September 4, 2016
A city is for all its citizens
“Universal” is a tricky
word. It has an enormous(large,विशाल) appeal,
an unquestioned romance of taking everyone along. Universal human rights,
universal access to basic services, housing for all. It is the barometer of
inclusion done right. The dark side of the romance is that it’s one of the
hardest things to achieve. Often the “universal” is a vanishing(disappear,गायब) horizon and, like all
horizons, the mirage is what makes you lose sight of the very real trade-offs
and constraints in your way.
This week the Delhi Jal Board (DJB) announced a new horizon
towards the idea of universal access to a basic urban service and human need:
water. The “Jal Adhikar Connection” (a Right to Water Connection) promises to
let households within slums in Delhi apply for legal, metered water connections
“irrespective of the status of their residence.” This move — following the
Government of Delhi’s already given pledge(promise,वादा) to extend water and sanitation services to unauthorised
colonies — implies that legal, public and metered water could (like electricity)
actually cover the city as it exists rather than as it is imagined in plans and
laws.
The city is what it is
It is critical to emphasise how important this is. In Indian cities, one of the biggest blocks to any imagination of “universal” or “inclusive” development is not lack of money, land or technology as is so often imagined. It is that a large number of our fellow urban residents are not considered urban residents at all — they are not part of the “universe” to be reached. The grounds of their exclusion are particular to the way our cities have been built. For multiple reasons, Indian cities are largely auto-constructed. Put simply: they have been built not by the intentions of planners or architects but by people themselves. From the slum to the unauthorised colony, the historical urban village trying to change its identity to the new peri-urban development, each neighbourhood has some kind of tension with law and planning. In Delhi’s last reliable statistic on this in 2000, only 24 per cent of the city lived in a “planned colony.” Everyone else, nearly three-fourths of the city, lived or lives some distance from this legal and planned norm. It is now well argued that this “illegality” is not one most of these residents perform to seek personal gains; it is simply the only way in the context of state and market failures to find a way to make life in the city. As activists have long argued: when three-fourths of a people find themselves violating law, it is the law itself that is broken.
It is critical to emphasise how important this is. In Indian cities, one of the biggest blocks to any imagination of “universal” or “inclusive” development is not lack of money, land or technology as is so often imagined. It is that a large number of our fellow urban residents are not considered urban residents at all — they are not part of the “universe” to be reached. The grounds of their exclusion are particular to the way our cities have been built. For multiple reasons, Indian cities are largely auto-constructed. Put simply: they have been built not by the intentions of planners or architects but by people themselves. From the slum to the unauthorised colony, the historical urban village trying to change its identity to the new peri-urban development, each neighbourhood has some kind of tension with law and planning. In Delhi’s last reliable statistic on this in 2000, only 24 per cent of the city lived in a “planned colony.” Everyone else, nearly three-fourths of the city, lived or lives some distance from this legal and planned norm. It is now well argued that this “illegality” is not one most of these residents perform to seek personal gains; it is simply the only way in the context of state and market failures to find a way to make life in the city. As activists have long argued: when three-fourths of a people find themselves violating law, it is the law itself that is broken.
“Spatial illegality” has been a critical — and deeply
under-recognised — part of what has broken the possibility of universal access
to basic services in our cities. As the rules have changed over time, utilities
like the DJB have been, at worst, prohibited from giving legal water
connections in “illegal” slums and “unauthorised” colonies, or, at best, such
provision has been left to discretion(sense,विवेक), the dreaded(fearful,भयानक) “may” rather than “shall” of public policy. In multiple legal
challenges, courts have refused to acknowledge the urban right to water citing
spatial illegality even if this leaves the basic needs of thousands unmet,
their dignity denied.
The irony is that even those who defend such exclusions do not
fully realise the cost they themselves pay for them. Partly as a result of
spatial illegality, our city’s infrastructure is not a network or a system. It
is a set of fragmented(break,खंडित)
splinters. It struggles to move to its horizon, reaching one colony but
bypassing the other, reaching one now and making the other wait, trying to navigate
a geography not of demand and supply but of varied degrees of legality and
legitimacy. Who gets infrastructure and when thus become matters of power and
patronage, reproducing social inequalities in the space of the city.
Not only does this mean that rights and entitlements are
conditioned on where you live in the city, it also means that DJB chief Kapil
Mishra is absolutely right when he says that without expanding access more
“universally,” the DJB can build neither a scientific system nor an efficient
one. Infrastructure systems are just that: systems. They need scale and
connectivity to be economically viable and technically sound. The DJB’s
financial health and self-sufficiency will gain enormously when thousands of
new households give revenue to the public utility instead of to tankers and
private suppliers. Its pipelines will map, connect and function — their
geographies seeking to reach rather than bypass, connect rather than fragment.
Wastage will reduce, efficiencies will rise. There are good models to learn
from here. When the Bangalore Water Supply and Sewerage Board introduced a
category of “shared taps” to precisely(clearly,स्पस्थ्तया) open up water connections into slums, it saw
its financial health improve alongside the improvements in the city’s overall
indicators of health, work, housing quality and poverty. When Ahmedabad gave
networked infrastructure to its slums, overall indicators of access slowly rose
for the city as a whole.
Yet herein lies the first danger of taking an important move and
losing ourselves in a mirage well before the horizon is near. Technical and
economic efficiency are necessary and pivotal(crucial,निर्णायक) reasons to want to make access to water
universal but are not, they must not be, sufficient ones. In an
auto-constructed city where spatial illegality breaks access to basic rights,
expanding the right to water must be a part of a larger effort to expand the
right to the city itself.
The city planner’s public
Ambedkar once said that a Hindu’s public is just his caste. An Indian city’s public is too often just the legal, planned colony. The graded inequalities that follow between this imagined ideal and all other ways of inhabiting the city are real. The exclusions are simultaneously socially performed, legally enshrined, and economically reproduced. Recognising the right to water — it is a jal adhikar connection — must be the first step in taking on the spatial illegality that urban residents have been forced into and then held accountable for. It must begin to return to the Indian city its actual universal, its actual publics, to all of its residents. For this, we must begin at the most fundamental of all claims: to be recognised as being in the city, to be acknowledged, and to be valued as workers, citizens and bearers of rights rather than just the “poor,” “slum dwellers” or “encroachers.” What Delhi must do now is to stand by its Jal Board that has taken a first and important step to live up to being and becoming a truly public utility.
Ambedkar once said that a Hindu’s public is just his caste. An Indian city’s public is too often just the legal, planned colony. The graded inequalities that follow between this imagined ideal and all other ways of inhabiting the city are real. The exclusions are simultaneously socially performed, legally enshrined, and economically reproduced. Recognising the right to water — it is a jal adhikar connection — must be the first step in taking on the spatial illegality that urban residents have been forced into and then held accountable for. It must begin to return to the Indian city its actual universal, its actual publics, to all of its residents. For this, we must begin at the most fundamental of all claims: to be recognised as being in the city, to be acknowledged, and to be valued as workers, citizens and bearers of rights rather than just the “poor,” “slum dwellers” or “encroachers.” What Delhi must do now is to stand by its Jal Board that has taken a first and important step to live up to being and becoming a truly public utility.
courtesy:the hindu
Monday, August 29, 2016
Sedition law cannot be used against honest views, expressed peacefully
Gandhiji described “sedition” as the prince of
the Indian Penal Code (IPC). No fundamental right in our Constitution is
absolute. Freedom of speech and expression guaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) can
be reasonably restricted on the grounds specified in Article 19(2). It is
significant that during the debates in the Constituent Assembly, the founding
fathers, in view of their bitter experience of the application of the sedition
law by the British colonial regime, deliberately omitted “sedition” as one of
the permissible grounds of restriction under Article 19(2) on freedom of speech
and expression. However, sedition as a criminal offence remains in the IPC
under Section 124A and provides for inter alia sentence of life imprisonment
and fine upon conviction.
Section 124A was challenged in the Supreme
Court as unconstitutional. In its celebrated judgment in the case of Kedarnath
vs State of Bihar, the Supreme Court explained the scope of sedition law. It
ruled that “vigorous(strong,जोरदार) words in writing and very strong criticism of measures
of government or acts of public officials, would be outside the scope of Section
124A”. The Supreme Court further observed: “A citizen has a right to say or
write whatever he likes about the government, or its measures, by way of
criticism or comment, so long as he does not incite people to violence
against the government established by law, or with the intention of creating
public disorder.” The Supreme Court did not approve of the Privy Council’s
judgments according to which any speech or writing which evinced(revealed,जताना)
disloyalty or ill feelings towards the government could be regarded as
sedition. Many freedom fighters were prosecuted and punished for sedition by
the British colonial regime.
The Supreme Court preferred the judgment of
the Federal Court delivered by distinguished chief justice, Maurice Gwyer, who
ruled that sedition law is not to be invoked “to minister to the wounded vanity
of government. The acts or words complained of must either incite to disorder
or must be such as to satisfy reasonable men that that is their intention or
tendency”. The Supreme Court made the following significant observation: “It is
only when the words, written or spoken, etc. which have the pernicious(harmful,नुकसानदायक) tendency or intention of
creating public disorder or disturbance of law and order that the law steps in
to prevent such activities in the interest of public order. So construed, the
section in our opinion, strikes the correct balance between individual
fundamental rights and the interest of public order. It is also well settled
that in interpreting an enactment the court should have regard not merely to the
literal meaning of the words used, but also take into consideration the
antecedent history of the legislation, its purpose and the mischief it seeks to
suppress.”
×
The Supreme Court limited the application
of Section 124A to acts involving incitement to violence, which is the
essential ingredient of the offence of sedition. That is our law, that is how
124A was interpreted and upheld as constitutional by a Constitution Bench.
Therefore the question whether certain speech or acts constitute sedition are
questions of fact which have to be determined by a court of law keeping in mind
the principles enunciated(pronounced,उच्चारित)
by the Supreme Court in Kedarnath. Subsequent judgments of the Supreme Court
have reaffirmed the principles laid down in Kedarnath.
Recently sedition law has been invoked
against Amnesty International on the ground that certain slogans insulting to
India were uttered(say,बोलना) at its recent event in Bengaluru. If that be so, it is
certainly deplorable and may expose Amnesty to civil and criminal proceedings.
One can certainly criticise and condemn the alleged anti-India slogans. But
mere utterance of slogans by itself does not constitute sedition unless there
is exhortation to overthrow the government of the day by recourse to violence,
which is the prerequisite(condition,शर्त) for invoking the sedition section. Surely our country is
strong and mature enough to take in its stride(progress,प्रगति) alleged insulting
slogans without rushing to invoke the law of sedition.
It is opined by some that Section 124
should be deleted. In my view Section 124A “sedition” as interpreted by the
Supreme Court is necessary. There may be cases where Section 124A can be
legitimately invoked. Therefore, retain the section but strike down actions not
in conformity with the section.
Take the recent case of Divya Spandana
alias Ramya, who in response to Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar’s statement
that Pakistan is hell, recounted her recent experience on her visit to
Islamabad and stated that Pakistan is not hell and people there are like us —
hospitable and friendly. I have visited Pakistan on more than one occasion and
found Pakistani people to be hospitable. If I express my opinion, am I in
breach of Section 124A of the IPC? The purported justification followed for
booking Ramya under Section 124A is that her statement is an insult to people
of India and therefore she should leave India and go to Pakistan. The degree of
intolerance exhibited is appalling(terrible,भयानक). Section 124A is not to
be used as an instrument to muzzle unpalatable(tough,कड़ा) views. It is high time
that appropriate penalties are imposed on those, including lawyers, who invoke
Section 124A wantonly(stupidity,बेहूदगी) and cause pain and harassment to those who honestly
express their opinion and who are intimidated(threaten,धमकाया हुआ) by invocation of Section
124A. If this trend is not arrested, it would lead to self-censorship, a
regrettable phenomenon.
One would expect judicial officers not to
entertain manifestly ill-founded complaints. It is the need of the hour to
contain the forces of bigotry(zealotry,कट्टरता)
and intolerance which pose a grave threat to our democratic secular republic.
Ramya deserves to be congratulated for not yielding to intimidation and not
saying sorry for expressing her honest views in a peaceful manner. It would be
ridiculous to construe Ramya’s views as seditious.
courtesy:indian express
Saturday, August 27, 2016
Pharmacies not likely cause of TB drug resistance
For a while now, the
medical community has been blaming pharmacies for indiscriminately(recklessly,अंधाधुंध) giving antibiotics to patients with
tuberculosis (TB), instead of referring them to a doctor. A Lancet paper has now corrected the
popular misconception when a study found that none of the 622 pharmacies in Delhi, Mumbai and Patna handed out first-line anti-TB drugs to these patients. So, pharmacies are the unlikely source of irrational drug use that contributes to multidrug resistant tuberculosis.
popular misconception when a study found that none of the 622 pharmacies in Delhi, Mumbai and Patna handed out first-line anti-TB drugs to these patients. So, pharmacies are the unlikely source of irrational drug use that contributes to multidrug resistant tuberculosis.
Not playing a role
The study shows that pharmacies are not playing any role in increasing TB resistance in the country,” says Dr. Srinath Satyanarayana, from McGill University, Montreal, Canada, who is the lead author of the paper that was published on August 26, 2016. “TB drug resistance occurs primarily due to incorrect , intake of drugs irregularly or intake of drugs for very short duration of time. From our study, it appears that pharmacies are not playing a role in deciding the anti-TB regimens and are also not dispensing anti-TB drugs over-the-counter, at least in the three cities that we studied. So the drug resistance in India could be due to either patient related-factors or provider-related factors or health system related factors (which has not created a system for all TB patients in [the] country to access quality assured diagnosis and treatment free of cost and seamlessly),” he says in an e-mail to The Hindu.
The study shows that pharmacies are not playing any role in increasing TB resistance in the country,” says Dr. Srinath Satyanarayana, from McGill University, Montreal, Canada, who is the lead author of the paper that was published on August 26, 2016. “TB drug resistance occurs primarily due to incorrect , intake of drugs irregularly or intake of drugs for very short duration of time. From our study, it appears that pharmacies are not playing a role in deciding the anti-TB regimens and are also not dispensing anti-TB drugs over-the-counter, at least in the three cities that we studied. So the drug resistance in India could be due to either patient related-factors or provider-related factors or health system related factors (which has not created a system for all TB patients in [the] country to access quality assured diagnosis and treatment free of cost and seamlessly),” he says in an e-mail to The Hindu.
One reason why pharmacies did not dispense first-line, anti-TB
drugs could be because they belong to a more stringent(strict,सख्त) Schedule H1 category of drugs where details of the prescription
and name of the doctors and patients have to be documented and the registry
retained for two years.
Quinolone abuse a concern
However, the good news ends here. The researchers found that that a vast majority of these pharmacies did dispense antibiotics to TB patients even when they did not have a prescription. This links to an earlier study which showed the tendency of private practitioners to liberally use antibiotics in treating TB, leading to a delay in diagnosis and treatment and an increase in the chances of TB spreading within a community.
However, the good news ends here. The researchers found that that a vast majority of these pharmacies did dispense antibiotics to TB patients even when they did not have a prescription. This links to an earlier study which showed the tendency of private practitioners to liberally use antibiotics in treating TB, leading to a delay in diagnosis and treatment and an increase in the chances of TB spreading within a community.
In the Lancet study,
healthy individuals were trained to pose as TB patients and interacted with
pharmacists — to understand how the pharmacies in these cities treated patients
presenting themselves with TB symptoms. The objective was to determine whether
the pharmacies were contributing to the inappropriate use of antibiotics. One
patient presented with 2-3 weeks of cough and fever, was directly seeking drugs
from a pharmacy while a second patient was presented with one month of cough
and microbiological confirmation of TB from a sputum test. In the case of the
first patient, only 96 of 599 pharmacies (16 per cent) referred the patient to
health-care providers. But ideal case management was in only 13 per cent of the
cases, as a few pharmacies handed out antibiotics to the patients even while
referring them to a physician. Antibiotics (37 per cent), steroids (8 per cent)
and fluoroquinolones (10 per cent) were given to patients with symptoms.
“That nearly 37 per cent of the pharmacies are handing out
antibiotics to persons presenting with TB symptoms is really worrisome,” says
Dr. Satyanarayana. But more worrying is the dispensation of fluoroquinolones.
“Fluoroquinolones are an essential part of the MDR-TB [multi-drug-resistant
tuberculosis] treatment regimen and emerging regimens, so quinolone abuse is a
concern.”
Impact
In stark contrast, in the case of the second patient, who had a microbiological confirmation, 67 per cent (401 of 601) of pharmacies referred the patient to a health-care provider. Like in the earlier case, ideal case management was seen in only 62 per cent as the standardised patient did receive antibiotics (16 per cent) or steroids (3 per cent) even while being referred to a health-care provider. “In the case of TB patients with microbiological confirmation of TB disease, antibiotics (without anti-TB properties) will be futile(ineffective,अप्रभावी) and redundant (unnecessary,अनावश्यक), and can delay the initiation of proper therapy for patients. These patients will continue to spread the disease in the community and TB disease will continue to progress in the individual concerned. Steroids reduce body immunity, suppress symptoms temporarily and can exacerbate (worsen,बिगाड़ना) the TB disease,” he says.
In stark contrast, in the case of the second patient, who had a microbiological confirmation, 67 per cent (401 of 601) of pharmacies referred the patient to a health-care provider. Like in the earlier case, ideal case management was seen in only 62 per cent as the standardised patient did receive antibiotics (16 per cent) or steroids (3 per cent) even while being referred to a health-care provider. “In the case of TB patients with microbiological confirmation of TB disease, antibiotics (without anti-TB properties) will be futile(ineffective,अप्रभावी) and redundant (unnecessary,अनावश्यक), and can delay the initiation of proper therapy for patients. These patients will continue to spread the disease in the community and TB disease will continue to progress in the individual concerned. Steroids reduce body immunity, suppress symptoms temporarily and can exacerbate (worsen,बिगाड़ना) the TB disease,” he says.
courtesy:the hindu
Thursday, August 25, 2016
Diplomacy and the diaspora
If there is one issue on
which all political parties agree, it is the imperative to include overseas
Indians in India’s economic development and to take care of their needs and
aspirations. Successive governments have been vying(compete,प्रतिस्पर्धा) with each other to give
more and more concessions to them as acknowledgment of their contribution by
way of remittances, investment, lobbying for India, promoting Indian culture
abroad and for building a good image of India by their intelligence and
industry.
India was initially
sensitive to the view that championing the cause of overseas Indians might
offend the host countries, who should be fully responsible for their welfare
and security. The Indian community and our diplomatic missions interacted on
national days or other important occasions, but diaspora diplomacy was low key.
Rediscovering Indians abroad
Rajiv Gandhi was the
first Prime Minister who changed the diaspora policy by inviting Indians abroad,
regardless of their nationality, to participate in nation-building, much like
the overseas Chinese communities. In return, he promised them opportunities to
work with India, like in the celebrated case of Sam Pitroda, who was entrusted
with the task of modernising telecommunications in India. The response was not ecstatic(joyful,उन्मादपूर्ण), but many volunteered to
help out in various ways. But this brought to focus the many inadequacies(insufficiency,अपर्याप्तता) of the Indian system for
the diaspora to collaborate with India or to invest in the country. Grievances
like red tape, multiple clearances, distrust of government in fulfilling
promises were addressed through hesitant reforms and promotional measures.
The first test of the new
diaspora policy came in 1987 when Sitiveni Rabuka ousted an Fiji Indian
majority government in Fiji and reduced them to second-class citizens. Rajiv
Gandhi, in a major departure from established policy, protested vehemently(forcefully,प्रबल), imposed trade sanctions
against Fiji, got it expelled(throw,निष्काशित) from the Commonwealth
and raised the issue at the United Nations. This bewildered(confused,व्यग्र) those Fiji Indians who
did not want to disturb the race relations in Fiji, but energised the Indian
diaspora, generating faith in them that India would not be a silent witness, as
it was in the past, to discrimination(unfair treatment,भेदभाव), racism and
disenfranchisement of Indians abroad. The Indian position was instrumental in
democracy and racial harmony returning to Fiji after 10 years.
After India and the
overseas Indians rediscovered each other under Rajiv Gandhi, there came a host
of measures such as a separate Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs, the Person
of Indian Origin (PIO) Card, Pravasi Bharatiya Divas, Pravasi Bharatiya Samman
Award, Overseas Citizen of India Card, NRI funds and voting rights for Indian
citizens abroad, some from the United Progressive Alliance and some from the
National Democratic Alliance governments. The response from the diaspora was
diverse, as these affected different categories of Indians in different ways.
For the Indian nationals in the Gulf and elsewhere, welfare measures and
resettlement facilities were more important, while the prosperous communities
in the West, who were clamouring(loud demand,जोरदार मांग) for dual citizenship,
felt short-changed. But, on the whole, they were energised into espousing(support,समर्थन) Indian causes in the
U.S. Of course, their support to Indian interests was not automatic and they
often urged(forced,जोर डालना) India to modify its policies to suit
American sensitivities. Indian-Americans contributed little by way of
remittances or investments, but the establishment of the India Caucus in the
House of Representatives and turning around doubting legislators into voting
for the India-U.S. nuclear deal were major accomplishments.
The Modi outreach
Prime Minister Narendra
Modi made the diaspora a centrepiece of his foreign policy and, during his
foreign visits, addressed mammoth(large,बड़ी) meetings of the
community to project India’s priorities and needs. But he did not address any
of their demands or announce any new plans for removing their grievances like
travel issues and protection of their properties in India. If anything, the
merger of the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs with the Ministry of External
Affairs, though pragmatic(practical,अनुभवजन्य), has been construed as a negative step.
The irregularity of diaspora conferences and awards has also caused some
concern in the diaspora.
Together with the new
hopes and expectations raised by the government, there are new fears and
concerns among and about the overseas communities. The volatility(unpredictability.अस्थिरता) in West Asia, together with the fall in
oil prices, has caused fears of a massive return of Indian nationals, curtailing(control,नियंत्रण) remittances and making
demands on the job market. In Kerala, for instance, workers from other States
have bridged the demand-supply gap in various sectors. The Gulf countries will
require foreign workers for some more time, but India’s relations with many of
them remain in the employer-employee mode. Of course, it was heartening to see
Saudi Arabia resolve a serious issue relating to a starvation among Indian
workers, but we should be ready for the eventuality of Indian workers
returning, though a massive “Indexit” is unlikely.
A recent phenomenon is
that of “discovering” Indians wherever there is a crisis. India does not have
any precise(clear,स्पष्ठ) data on the number of Indians in different
parts of the world. The amount of risks that Indians are capable of taking to
get medical education, for instance, is phenomenal. Whether it is in Ukraine,
Yemen or Syria, Indians are discovered eking out(fill out,निर्वाह
करना)
an existence in difficult circumstances. General V.K. Singh (retd.), Minister
of State for External Affairs, has become virtually the Chief Repatriation
Officer, flying into hotspots with chartered flights to rescue Indians and
bring them home. He was often bewildered when many Indians refused to use the
facility for return and insisted on staying on in difficult situations either
to seek alternative jobs or to settle their claims. Back home, disquiet has
been expressed that public money is being spent on bringing people who have
gone on their own for their benefit.
Even more serious is the
suspicion that some Indians are travelling to the Islamic State areas either to
join the jihad or to settle there in what is considered a Promised Land.
Adventurism of this kind needs to be stopped. We used to take pride in the fact
that Indians never joined terrorist organisations, but the latest trends are
very disturbing.
The dilemma(confusion,दुविधा) for India is whether
movements of Indians abroad for education or employment should be curbed. This
will be against the spirit of freedom; but there should be at least an accurate
count of Indians in different countries and projections should be made of
future prospects. States must be prepared with plans for rehabilitation of
Indians, with the possibility of offering the same kind of jobs they were doing
abroad. Asking them to turn into entrepreneurs overnight would be
counterproductive. There should also be a clear division of labour between the
Central and the State governments in crisis situations.
The Indian diaspora is
more prosperous than before and its involvement in India’s development is
increasing. Indians overseas are conscious of their opportunities in India. At
the same time, new fears about scaled-up return of Indians or their involvement
in global terrorism are raising their heads. Firefighting is not enough. We
should have a comprehensive plan involving both the Centre and States to invest
remittances intelligently and to find alternative ways of livelihood for those
who return.
courtesy:the hindu
Friday, August 19, 2016
An experiment with power
On a visit to Manipur, I asked several
people which aspect of their lives had changed the most from the perspective of
governance and/or delivery of public goods and services. This wasn’t meant to
be a systematic sample survey and was more of a dipstick indicator. Manipur has
a population of 2.86 million and nearly 30 per cent of it is urban. The people
I spoke to were from Imphal, so there is a bit of a bias(unfair,पक्षपात) in the sample. The
Imphal agglomeration(mass,ढेर), not just the municipal area, has a population around
5,50,000. This gives you some idea of the possible sample bias.
Electricity distribution found the top
mention in the people’s responses. Electricity supply has three aspects:
Generation, transmission and distribution. Generation will be a major issue in
Manipur, especially in times other than the rainy season. Much of the power
will have to come from outside the state — Arunachal Pradesh (Lower Subansiri),
Assam (Bongaigaon) and Tripura (Palatana) — even if hydroelectricity generation
from the Loktak project increases.
The responses of the people I spoke to had
to do with distribution, not generation. They talked of prepaid electricity.
Manipur is not the only state to experiment with such an idea. Haryana was the
first state to introduce prepaid electricity. Lucknow, in UP, has prepaid
electricity vouchers. These vouchers require a prepaid electricity meter, so
that consumers can be alerted when a recharge is requisite(necessary,आवश्यक). Such meters make life
easier. In addition, the Lucknow electricity supply authority offered a tariff
rebate to encourage the switch. Itanagar in Arunachal Pradesh has a similar
scheme, though there has been resistance in the state with consumers
complaining that their monthly bills have increased. Their complaint is
understandable. After all, the purpose of prepaid meters and prepaid vouchers
isn’t only to make life easier. They also intend to reduce aggregate technical
and commercial losses (ATC), a part of which is euphemism for theft.
×
In Manipur, the idea of prepaid electricity
was targeted at clandestine(illegal,अवैध) power connections. Seen this way, the resistance to
meters in Itanagar does not seem odd. That there were no reports of resistance
in Imphal appears bizarre(strange,अजीब).
Some towns and some types of domestic
consumers in Madhya Pradesh will also have prepaid connections once the MP
Electricity Regulatory Commission approves the scheme. Chandigarh is also
slated to have a similar scheme, so are Pune and Mumbai. Telangana plans
prepaid meters for government offices.
To get back to Manipur, the Manipur State
Power Distribution Company Limited has plans to provide meters to all
consumers. People unfamiliar with Manipur may not realise that the state has
two distinct geographical regions: The valley— where 60 per cent of the state’s
population lives — and the hilly areas. Access to public goods and services is
much more arduous(difficult,कठिन) in the hilly regions, terrain being a major constraint.
There will be 1,00,000 electronic meters outside the valley, but except for
district headquarters and towns in the hills, these will not be be prepaid.
The experiment with prepaid meters has
begun in four districts: Imphal East, Imphal West, Thoubal and Bishnupur. The
government did not embark(start,प्रवेश) on the project in all the four districts at one go.
Prepaid meters were first installed in central parts of Imphal because the
government wanted to gauge if the experiment would work.
People have been jailed for stealing
electricity and tampering with meters. The power situation has improved.
Collections from payments of electricity bills have increased. At the same time,
demand for electricity has reduced by 50 per cent and tripping incidents have
become rarer. The number of consumers has also gone up. One should reiterate(repeat,दोहरान) that this is an increase
in the number of legal consumers. There is better planning — on the supply side
— and there is no need for VIP lines (those guaranteed uninterrupted power
supply regardless of what was happening in the rest of Manipur).
My respondents — not just people who work
for the government — told me all this with a sense of pride. If consumers know
exactly how much electricity they are consuming (there are instant alerts) and
how much that costs (not quite the same with post-paid bills), they are more
judicious in using electricity.
Although the connection is somewhat
distant, the prepaid metering experiment reminded me of an anecdote in Prafulla
Chandra Ray’s (1861-1944) autobiography — it has not been translated into
English. It was published in 1937. Ray studied BSc (physics, chemistry,
biology) at Edinburgh University. At that time, Edinburgh University didn’t
have a system of tuition fees. If a student liked the lecture, he/she left some
money for the lecturer while leaving the lecture hall. I wonder if we will ever
have prepaid vouchers for higher education, specific to the lecturer.
courtesy:indian express
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